What Drives War?

November 19th, 2025 Claude C. Smith ’14 Professor of Political Science Dominic Tierney examines how fatalism leads to geopolitical conflict.

Written by
Tomas Weber

Photography
Laurence Kesterson

Waging war, it might seem, is the strongman’s pastime. From Napoleon’s attempt to conquer Europe to Hitler’s blitzkrieg and Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, we often think military conflict is triggered by leaders drunk on power.  

But political scientist Dominic Tierney thinks we’ve got it backwards. 

Oftentimes, the true driver of war, Tierney says, is not so much overconfidence as resignation, as leaders feel that events are slipping out of their control. The decision to wage war is often taken by fatalistic leaders who believe they have no alternative but to fight.

“We tend to think of leaders as being ‘the great men of history,’ bending it to their will,” says Tierney, the Claude C. Smith ’14 Professor of Political Science at Swarthmore. But as war edges closer, this is not how leaders themselves may see it. They feel trapped.

“In their minds, they often think they have no control,” he says. “The war is not their choice — even if they are the ones sending an army across the border.”

History is filled with examples. In 1914, Germany believed war was inevitable and blamed Russia, even as German troops marched on Belgium and France. In the lead-up to Pearl Harbor in 1941, Japanese leaders knew that defeating the United States was a long shot, but thought they could not avoid conflict. 

For both Berlin and Tokyo, war ended in defeat.

Paradoxically, says Tierney, the greater a leader’s power at home, the more likely they will feel powerless when faced with impending conflict. “Dictators like Hitler, Stalin, and Saddam Hussein — men who had near-complete control over their societies — appear to genuinely believe they are not responsible for bad things, including the consequences of the wars they wage,” says Tierney.

That dynamic is playing out in real time with Putin’s war in Ukraine. Russia has compared the invasion to an earthquake — a natural disaster beyond human control. “The showdown between Russia and these forces cannot be avoided,” said Putin in February 2022. “It is only a matter of time.” 

How do the most powerful people on earth end up convincing themselves they have no agency and no choice? 

The answer, says Tierney, is partly psychological. Fatalism is a defense mechanism, a way to deflect responsibility when faced with potential catastrophe.

“It is something we all do,” says Tierney. “We distance ourselves from bad outcomes and claim credit for good ones. So imagine the psychological pressure on a leader inching toward war to believe that it is not their fault.” 

Dominic Tierney

“[Fatalism] is something we all do,” he says. “We distance ourselves from bad outcomes and claim credit for good ones. So imagine the psychological pressure on a leader inching toward war to believe that it is not their fault.”

Profile page

The stakes for understanding this frame of mind could not be higher. If China were to initiate a war against the U.S., notes Tierney, it may be because Chinese leaders think they were backed into a corner. That’s why Tierney advises a potentially surprising strategy: Convince your adversary they have more power and agency than they think.

This is the topic of Tierney’s next book, The Iron Dice: Fatalism and the Road to World War III (MIT Press), which looks at how fatalism can trigger war. And it won’t be the first time that Tierney, a former contributing editor at The Atlantic and a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, has joined high-stakes debates about international conflict.

After earning his undergraduate degree and doctorate at Oxford University — where one of his fellow students was the future U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan — Tierney joined the Swarthmore faculty in 2005. Early in his career, he was fascinated by a strange paradox: Why does the U.S., with the world’s most powerful military, keep losing wars?

American military history up to World War II is an almost uninterrupted march of victory. The era after 1945, though, tells a very different story, with a string of stalemates and defeats like Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. “Americans don’t like to think about it,” says Tierney. “The idea of losing is a threat to national identity. It is remarkable just how little discussion there is of Afghanistan. It’s like asking someone about their mortality. People just want to change the subject.”

But it’s worth thinking about loss because there are many different ways to lose a war, says Tierney, and some are better than others. Modern wars often take place in a murky quagmire of guerrilla war, civil conflict, and foreign intervention. “War isn’t a football game,” he says. “There is no scoreboard, no referee.”

In his 2015 book, The Right Way to Lose a War: America in an Age of Unwinnable Conflicts (Little, Brown and Company), Tierney argued that leaders should be prepared to salvage tolerable losses from unwinnable conflicts. “The book was meant as a ‘break glass in case of emergency’ guide for presidents,” Tierney says. Teaching at Swarthmore, he says, fuels this sort of work. Conversations with students, many of whom have worked as his research assistants, have opened lines of inquiry and helped him think about international affairs in new ways.

“It’s an incredibly fertile place to teach,” Tierney says.

And there’s never been a more important time, he adds, to be teaching students about the psychological triggers of war, or the perilous misconceptions that can bring nations to the brink of catastrophe. 

Learn more about the department of political science

Submissions Welcome

The Communications Office invites all members of the Swarthmore community to share videos, photos, and story ideas for the College's website. Have you seen an alum in the news? Please let us know by writing news@swarthmore.edu.