Nationalism

1923

After the Great Kanto Earthquake left Tokyo, Yokohama and the surrounding prefectures in ruin, upheaval and paranoia led to hateful rumors targeting Koreans residing in the affected regions of Japan. These rumors accused the Koreans of poisoning wells, pillaging, committing arson, and plotting to overthrow the Japanese government (Hammer, 2011). The Japanese formed "watchmen" groups to patrol villages, accusing anyone they thought suspicious (Weisenfeld, 2012).

 

"Roving bands of Japanese prowled the ruins of Yokohama and Tokyo, setting up roadblocks and massacring Koreans across the earthquake zone. According to some estimates, the death toll was as high as 6,000" (Hammer, 2011). The massacre of Koreans reveals extreme paranoia airing from the trauma effected by the earthquake's devastation. This behavior added tension amongst villagers and influenced children's play in imitative "watchmen game" where one child would be the targeted foreign enemy (Weisenfeld, 2012).

1945

As Japan gained more power in East Asia through colonization, Japanese authorities used nationalism, fed by traditional Japanese beliefs, to justify the military's suicide missions by kamikaze pilots, such as in the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. Sacrificing one's life in the name of honor is deeply rooted in Japanese culture and samurai ideology. The government adapted this philosophy in military missions as part of their propaganda tactic while preaching that the West which did not hold such values.

Designed after the German Hitler Youth, The Great Japan Youth Party was active from 1937 to 1945. The group was organized by extreme nationalists to educate youth on life skills and give them a sense of purpose and pride in serving their country; their real intent was to indoctrinate the next generation (Perez, 2013, p.114).

1995

After the Kobe Earthquake, nationalism shaped Japan's international relationships and disaster relief. The earthquake nearly paralyzed the city's ability to quickly respond; yet the central Japanese government politely refused the foreign nations and organizations who sent doctors, search dogs, cell phones, and medicine to Japan. Officials cited several reasons for declining help, all of which were trivial in light of the disaster and the continuing life-threatening circumstances. Rather than recognizing its need for assistance, Japan's hubris and self-image as a scientifically advanced and earthquake proof country proved to be counter-productive. With precious time passing by and without needed resources, many victims of the earthquake, especially those forced to remain in emergency shelters, grew angry at their government's inability to comprehend the need for international aid (Kristof 1995). As a result, trust in the government and the strength of the Japanese nation dwindled.

2011

Following the 3.11 triple disaster, the civilian population criticized the ineffective response of the central government and responsible industries. Using relatively new alternative media sources to voice their opinions, Japanese communities expressed their anti-nationalist sentiments. On Twitter, popular images, videos, and parodies of the government's response were constantly re-tweeted. The Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) in particular was criticized for deceiving the Japanese public regarding nuclear safety. In spite of this, many politicians, including current Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, often deemed a "nationalistic hawk", have remained adamant about the safety of nuclear technology, trusting the believed superiority of Japanese technology. Public opinion has become less tolerant of historically right-wing style nationalism, or at least it is becoming more visibly critical of the current situation (Penney, 2012).