3/19/98 Will intersperse with clips from with 2 versions of video
"Margaret Mead: Observer Observed" Version 1 = rough cut. Version2 is
final for airing on PBS or other (copy on Reserve)
* controversies over Mead highlight problems concerning her
career
VIDEO CLIP: Version 2 Opening for celebrity
Although Coming of Age in Samoa made her a national icon, the
complexity of MM can be seen in defenses and attacks during and after
her life. Focus on three issues:
1. Feminism
a. on one hand provided a model of successful career and public
figure for a woman, and helped liberate women from shackles of
Victorianism.
b. on the other Friedan, Feminine Mystique (1961) ,"The
Functional Freeze, The Feminine Protest, and Margaret Mead" attacked
implications of her later work for women. Argued that "how is" became
"how should be." Although not specifically targeting Mead, Barbara
Ehrenreich in Hearts of Men asks whether the social liberation
(and sexual) was necessary a good thing for women.
2. Cultural tolerance/relativism
a. along with Boas, Benedict at al she celebrated for preaching
tolerance, and learning from culture previously thought
"inferior"
b. on the other, a "rap" on race with James Baldwin proved to be
acrimonious and raced issues of how far she had gone on this issue;
while in the 1980s Freeman, Derek. Margaret Mead and Samoa : the
making and unmaking of an anthropological myth ( Cambridge, Mass.
: Harvard University Press, 1983) caused a fuss that reached TV and
national magazines. SEE VIDEO CLIP Version 2. Two related
charges:
a. Methodology.
b. Underlying assumptions, and contributions to "cultural
determinism"
* Bloom Closing the American Mind turned the later into an
attack on Mead as being behind the "closing" of American mind:
p. 33. "Sexual Adventurers like Margaret Mead and others who found
American too narrow told us that not only must we know other Cultures
and learn to respect them, but we could also profit from them. We
could follow their lead and loosen up., liberating ourselves from the
opinion that our taboos are anything other than social constraints.
We could go to the bazaar of cultures and find reinforcement for
inclinations that are repressed by puritanical guilt feelings. All
such teachers of openness had either no interest in or were openly
actively hostile to the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution."
3. Public role of anthropology/social science
a. helped popularize and gain respect for professional social science
during the "classic" period of American anthropology and continued to
be a champion of "science" as liberating humankind until her
death.
b. but also finally drew attacks of leftist scholars who faulted her
as an example of the complicity of social science in amoral or
immoral activities regarding public policy, especially in providing
propaganda during WW2 in And Keep your Powder Dry.
**class will consider three issues of (a) relation to feminism, in
particular as representative of postfeminist generation of women born
ca, 1900 who came of age in the period between the world wars; (b)
Coming of Age in Samoa, especially selection in Hollinger
reader' and (c) the "triumph" of the culture idea as discussed in
Degler, In Search of Human Nature. In conclusion look again at
charges of her critics (as time allows)
I. Margaret Mead (1903-1978). Background and Education
*look at Mead's formative years throws light on the feminist issue
and the issue of "cultural determinism"
A. Mead part of a generation of women social scientists sometimes
called the "post-feminist generation," that is taking advantage of
victories of previous era without being active in feminist protest,
and sometimes indifferent to pioneers of prewar feminism whom they
saw as stiff-necked puritans. (see Rosenberg Beyond Separate
Spheres).
B. Mead's youth reveals some of the formative experiences of this
generation.
VIDEO CLIP VERSION 1.
1. family was nomadic academics (lived briefly in Swarthmore).
a. father was professor at Wharton school (Edward Mead)
i originally settles in Hammonton New Jersey because of large
ethnically diverse population (Italians) whom mother wished to study.
(Rosenberg p. 211)
ii. terribly insecure as first generation academic professional. Esp.
of "feminization" since he thought of intellectual life as feminine:
possibly also explains why Mead would turn to "professionalization:
with such gusto.
b. Emily Fogg: grew up in Chicago. Went to University of Chi in 1897,
excited by courses with Veblen among others. But the m married mead
and never really finished her work (had 5 children, 4 of whom she
reared to maturity).
i. Margaret judged what seemed the futility of many of the causes
that absorbed her mother
*Rosenberg suggests that this strengthened her drive to
"professionalize." That is, like Ogburn and the "scientistic"
sociologists she was disillusioned with progressive reform as
manifested in her mother's career.
ii. also, possibly in reaction to the # children her mother had, (but
also new birth control methods popularized ca. 1915, the years of
Margaret Sanger's crusade) she mastered the mechanics of sex and
contraception well before she married.
*Jane Howard, Margaret Mead says she apparently lied to her
first husband about her inability to have children.
C. Early education
1.. Depauw
2. Columbia
3. Relation with Ruth Benedict
4. equally important were the # of things she was reacting against in
these years, esp. extremes of scientism in IQ testing etc.
D. Graduate Study: Boas and the Boasian school.
II. Coming of Age in Samoa
*following based on Introd. ch. 10, and Ch 14 (portion of later
excerpted in Hollinger)
A. METHODOLOGY
1. Positions herself among competing social science models
a. Hall Adolescence
b. behaviorists
c. Freudians
Notes:
i. relation to behaviorism seems complicated since not really wanting
to distinguish. See reference to laboratory model? Why? Is "cultural"
idea a variant of "behaviorism"? If so, why do some people choose
over behaviorism?
ii. has implications for debate with Freeman in that both apply a
positivistic conception of science, that is, he is not proposing a
radical new method. Most of debate is over whether she ignored things
because didn't speak language, didn't live with natives, poorly
trained. See appendix for miscellaneous notes toward a reassessment
of these issues
iii. Modern anthropologists (Rappaport) reply by denying CAS should
be judged this way: rather see as part of an evolving America
"myth"
B. CULTURE. Various dimensions as raised in the Freeman attack
1. does seem to preserve cultural hierarchy, contra implications of
"cultures" as self-contained, and hence unjudgeable by others
(discuss with reference to current debate: Salmon Rushdie,
clitoretomies etc.)
"complicated civilization like those of Europe"
"higher civilizations of the east"
"A primitive people...much less elaborate problem"
"simpler civilization of Samoa"
2. these judgments in turn betray her own cultural conditioning
p. re Greece Rome
p. 92 "taught not to pass a knife blade first"
p. 93 grammar concerns.
4. is she a "cultural determinist" (analysis of ch. 14, in H&C
reader)
i. what is the problem
ii. what is her goal. Is "change" possible"
Explanation?:relation to "consumer" society?
III. Triumph of culture? Degler, In Search of Human Nature:
The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought
New York: Oxford University Press, 1991)
A. Background. review of early chapters
1. Arguing that the conventional portrait of late 19th century
"social Darwinism" distorts the initial impact of Darwinian ideas on
social theory, he notes that the biologist's work nonetheless left
"openings" for racist and sexist interpretations
Comment (RCB) : here Degler is moderate to a fault. Although he
downgrades late 19th century "social Darwinism" (a defense of social
and economic hierarchy) to a benign "social Spencerianism," he
continues to assume that the phrase literally and accurately
describes social theorists who misuse Darwinism instead of examining
the ways in which the epithet has been a perennial weapon in efforts
to dampen any search for humanity's biological roots, and thus
exploring new categories for analysis.
2. flourished in the opening decades of the 20th century in eugenics
etc.
B. By the 1920s, this "Darwinian imperative" came under fire:
1. from Franz Boas and his disciples in cultural anthropology
2. from sociologists such as William I. Thomas
3. and from behaviorists who launched their own attack on "instinct"
theory.
*note: sees convergence of all three working together
C. Their triumph was remarkably rapid
1. By the 1920s, racist arguments rooted in biology were already in
retreat, soon followed by demeaning accounts of sex differences.
2. reasons:
a. not to new evidence
*RCB comment. His insistence that factors other than evidence
(sometimes tightened to "experimental evidence" [p. 139]) shaped the
embrace and rejection of Darwinism for almost a century leaves one
wondering how he can so confidently treat the findings of
sociobiology as "new knowledge" [p. 232], and believe that abuse of
biology is a thing of the past.
b. the dynamics of professionalization
*comment: He acknowledges that the drive to differentiate the social
scientists from their biologist forebears may have been a factor in
promoting the culture concept, but dismisses it as an explanation on
the dubious ground that Boas (and others, by extension) provide in
their writings "little direct evidence" (p. 82) of professional
ambition as a motive. I feel he dismisses professionalization out of
hand. (Expand re: Boas and the professionalization of
anthropology).
c. the intellectual curiosity, social origins, and above all, the
ideological commitments of participants.
D. Although the victory appeared complete by the early 1940s, doubts
were already surfacing, ironically, even in the writings of Margaret
Mead, Alfred Kroeber and other champions of the culture concept.
E. Speaking to these accumulated doubts, the sociobiology of E.O.
Wilson and others from the 1970s onward provided a wealth of new (and
for Degler, convincing) evidence of the importance of biology for
understanding human affairs.
1. summarizes in concluding chapters on the literature of incest
avoidance, dominance/submission, reproductive success, and the
biosocial origins of parenting.
2. propelled by a liberal agenda (not the "conservatism" of the 1970s
and 1980s, as sometimes charged), this Darwinian "revival," he
concludes, offers a biological social theory, neither racist nor
sexist, that enhances rather than diminishes our humanity.
V. Mead and WWII (see article by Virginia Yans)
VI. Mead's Later career
*working on documentary on MM life seemed that the three major themes
worked out ironically in her later career.:
(1) race diversity in the "rap" on race with James Baldwin in the
late 1960s through Bloom's attack in the Closing American
mind;
(2) gender/women in the Friedan attack in The Feminine
Mystique, and Mead's ambiguous support of feminism in her final
years; and
(3) her belief in anthropology as a "science" in the Freeman
controversy. VIDEO Version 2.
Written by Robert Bannister, for classroom use in History 47,
Swarthmore College 1/98. May be reproduced in whole or part for
educational purposes, but not copied or distributed for profit.